Mostrando postagens com marcador SEGUNDA GUERRA MUNDIAL. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador SEGUNDA GUERRA MUNDIAL. Mostrar todas as postagens

quinta-feira, 11 de dezembro de 2014

A história escondida: a participação dos soldados das colônias africanas nas grandes guerras

Por Herbert Ekwe-Ekwe; Professor britânico, especialista em Estados, genocídios e guerras na África e colaborador do Observatório das Nacionalidades. Tradutor: Sued Lima.

               Em texto primoroso de 2008, a bióloga e ativista ambiental queniana Wangari Maathai, primeira africana a receber o Prêmio Nobel da Paz, em 2004, reflete sobre o pouco conhecido papel dos africanos nas guerras mundiais:  

“Na minha família havia um membro ausente, cuja existência desconheci até atingir a idade adulta. Durante a Primeira Guerra, africanos das colônias foram recrutados para lutar e, no Quênia, os pais com filhos em idade para combater deviam apresentá-los às autoridades. Meus avós tinham um filho, Thumbi, de 20 anos, e não queriam que ele fosse para a guerra. Em desespero, minha avó o aconselhou a esconder-se na densa vegetação que margeia o rio Tucha. Mas Thumbi foi capturado pelos britânicos e tornou-se um dos mais de cem mil homens da etnia Kikuyus que morreram em combate, de fome ou de doença. Minha avó chorou a perda do filho pelo resto de sua vida”.

            Somente nessa guerra, a África perdeu cerca de um milhão de soldados em frentes de batalha a leste e oeste do continente e na própria Europa, lutando tanto pela Inglaterra, França, Itália, Bélgica e seus aliados, como pelos seus oponentes Alemanha e Impérios Austro-Húngaro e Otomano. As duas guerras mundiais foram confrontos nos quais os africanos se viram compulsados a atuar sem que os interesses de qualquer dos lados lhes dissessem respeito. Os dois principais protagonistas, Grã-Bretanha e Alemanha, eram os grandes usurpadores do território africano desde 1885, responsáveis por saques de recursos naturais e massacres de grandes parcelas dos povos autóctones, o que produzia uma cruel contradição: soldados naturais dos territórios ocupados combatiam ao mesmo tempo a favor e contra opressores de sua própria gente. 


             Nas comemorações do corrente ano que tiveram lugar em toda a Europa, lembrando efemérides de ambos os conflitos mundiais, um tema recorrente tem sido o de definir o papel dos africanos em tais confrontos, o que é desconhecido por muitos. A dificuldade que o cerca é a de explicar a forma perversa a que foram submetidos esses povos, mantidos longe dos acordos e tratados firmados após o cessar fogo. 

            O Tratado de Versalhes, de 1919, liberou todos os europeus subjugados, enquanto os africanos das regiões ocupadas por alemães na Namíbia, Tanzânia, Camarões, Togo, Ruanda e Burundi não tiveram sua liberdade restaurada; apenas assistiram a alternância de potências ocupantes, que passaram a ser a Grã-Bretanha, França e Bélgica. 

            A independência de países africanos no pós-Segunda Guerra foi claramente rejeitada pelo primeiro-ministro britânico Winston Churchill, em discurso proferido em novembro de 1942, em Londres: “Eu não me tornei primeiro-ministro do rei para presidir a liquidação do Império Britânico”. Na mesma linha, Charles de Gaulle, líder das Forças Francesas Livres exiladas na Inglaterra, desde que a Alemanha invadiu a França, em 1940, se opôs enfaticamente à independência de países africanos. 


             Em artigo publicado recentemente no tabloide britânico Mail on Sunday, George Carey, ex-arcebispo de Canterbury, lembra: “Este ano, somos lembrados pelas comemorações de duas guerras mundiais que nossas tradições democráticas são preciosas. Nossos pais e avós lutaram contra o totalitarismo pela sobrevivência desses valores”. A avaliação de Carey não incorpora o sacrifício africano, engrossando o caráter assimétrico da interpretação histórica, verdadeira camisa de força totalitária aplicada ao continente por todos os Estados que dominaram territórios na África. 

            Poucos anos após o término da Segunda Guerra, a Grã-Bretânia iria desfechar duas campanhas devastadoras em nações africanas que se colocavam na vanguarda da luta contra a ocupação: o povo gikuyu, do Quênia, na década de 1950, com a morte de dezenas de milhares de pessoas, e na Nigéria, com o genocídio do povo igbo, entre 1966 a 1970, produzindo o massacre de cerca de 3,1 milhões de pessoas. 

              Em seu depoimento sobre o tio Thumbi, Wangari Maathai escreve: “O governo britânico levou meu tio para a guerra dele, não o trouxe de volta e não se preocupou sequer em dizer aos meus avós o que havia acontecido com ele”. Eu complementaria dirigindo-me aos governos de todos os países europeus envolvidos em ambas as guerras: 

“Nossos irmãos foram recrutados para lutar por vocês e nunca voltaram. Ninguém se dignou a nos dizer o que havia acontecido com eles”. 

sexta-feira, 5 de setembro de 2014

The Luger Pistol

Editor’s Note: This is a sample article from Gun Digest Research, where you  can search thousands of archived Gun Digest Annual Book archives. To learn more go to http://research.gundigest.com.

From Gun Digest Book, 11th Edition, 1957.
For generations the most famous name in pistols has been Luger. There is no country however small or insignificant in which that name, or its foreign counterpart, Parabellum, is unfamiliar. To make the statement that it is the world’s finest, most accurate, well designed or generally the “best” pistol would merely be expressing an opinion, but what are the reasons for its popularity? Why has it been accepted as the “best” and what is the story behind its phenomenal success?

To relate the tale from the beginning we must go back to a well known arms designer of his day, Hugo Borchardt, a naturalized American citizen. Borchardt was a mechanical genius of some note, for he not only entered the inventing profession at an early age but also developed many diversified types of mechanical devices.
The earliest record we have of Borchardt, as applied to the weapons field, is a letter written in his own hand to Mr. E. G. Westcott, President and Treasurer of The Sharps Rifle Co. of Hartford, Conn., dated March 18, 1875, when Borchardt was applying for the position of Superintendent of that company:

“I took the superintendency of a shop in the worst condition at Trenton (New Jersey), designed the tools and finished a contract for 5,000 guns to the entire satisfaction of the Co. Mr. Meecham, who was treasurer of The Pioneer Breechloading Arms Co., hesitated at first in placing confidence in me, owing very likely to my age, I was 24 years old. There were about 60 hands employed. I afterwards had a foremanship in Singer (Sewing Machine Co.?) and several other places..”
His first patent, for a bullet grooving machine, was issued on July 21, 1874. This was followed by a bullet patching machine in 1875, a breech-loading firearm (Sharps-Borchardt) in 1876, a gun sight in 1877, another breechloading firearm, a shirt neck shaper, a magazine; rock driller; wire straightener; recoil magazine pistol (Borchardt Pistol, 1893), and numerous others.
Borchardt was versatile indeed, but it appears that his many patents added few coins to his coffers, for he was constantly changing jobs and addresses. His part in developing the Sharps-Borchardt rifle was his greatest achievement before forsaking his adopted country for Europe, where he remained for the rest of his life. He did not, however, give up his American citizenship.

Georg Luger was born in Steinach in Tirol in 1849. Originally an officer in the Austrian Army and with a decided liking for mechanical things, he became acquainted with Herr Mannlicher, inventor, among countless other designs, of the Austrian Infantry Ordnance Rifle. Together these two wizards produced an automatic, army rifle, (Luger’s military career was at an end) opening the door to a new vocation, one that was to make Luger world renowned.
In 1891 Luger held a position with the firm of Ludwig Loewe of Berlin, from whence he was sent shortly thereafter to exhibit yet another military rifle in the United States, and where he more than likely first met Hugo Borchardt.
It is known that Borchardt left the United States and took a position as director of the Hungarian Arms Company, but he soon had a disagreement with the Hungarian War Minister, General Fejervary, and undoubtedly through the influence and persuasion of his new friend, Georg Luger, was offered a job with Loewe, which he accepted.
The next we hear of Herr Luger is in the year 1894 when he is once again exhibiting a new weapon before the United States Naval Ordnance Board. That new design was a semi-automatic pistol named after its creator, Borchardt!
The Borchardt Pistol was patented in all of the major countries between 1893 and 1896. Sometime in 1893 the “Automatic Pistol, Borchardt Patent” was offered for sale on the commercial market to the world at large. It was of the finest precision workmanship and only the very best materials were used in its construction. The pistol carried a beautiful, glossy satin finish. The barrel was approximately caliber 30, using a special bottlenecked cartridge. This cartridge was the forerunner of (and interchangeable with) the well known caliber 30 (7.63mm) Mauser round. It is also almost identical to the 7.63mm Mannlicher Pistol cartridge, Model of 1896.
The Borchardt was sold in the United States for $30.00 – that price included a wooden shoulder stock with detachable cheekpiece, leather holster, 3 spare magazines, a wooden dummy magazine which included tools, ramrod and oiler and an instruction manual. For an extra $5.00 a fitted leather case was included. Unfortunately, few of these complete outfits remain intact today although they may be encountered from time to time in some of the larger collections.

The Borchardt Pistol was originally marketed by the Loewe firm but soon after the weapon was placed on the market, that company absorbed the Deutsche Metallpatronenfabrik of Karlsruhe, forming a company thereafter known as the Deutsche Waffen and Munitionsfabriken of Berlin-Karlsruhe (January 1, 1897). After that date all weapons were manufactured at the DWM plant in Berlin, and only ammunition was made at the Karlsruhe subsidiary.
On November 22, 1894, the Boston Herald printed a glowing report about Borchardt and his new pistol, noting that Georg Luger exhibited the new gun before a U. S. Navy small arms board at Providence, R. I. on November 21, and “that it had a great future before it.” The account went on to say that the “exhibitor fired 24 shots in 43? seconds . range 110 feet, and all were hits.” The magazine was described as holding “eight cartridges, with nickel jacketed bullets,” and these were “the Luger rimless type.”
It is interesting to note that it was Georg Luger and not Hugo Borchardt who brought the pistol to this country for these tests. Notice that the cartridge is indicated as being of the “LUGER rimless type” which leads us to believe that Georg Luger might have had more to do with the marketing of the pistol than is generally believed. Also of interest is the fact that although the press gave it an excellent notice the U. S. Navy failed to follow up the tests with any further trials of the Borchardt Pistol.

The U. S. Army also tested the Borchardt, for the Chief of Ordnance ordered a board of officers to meet at Springfield Armory on October 20, 1897 “to make a thorough test of, and report upon, a Borchardt Automatic Pistol Carbine.” This test was not pursued further so it may be assumed that the pistol did not meet with the complete approval of the officers on the board.
Georg Luger was more than an employee of the new firm of DWM. He received a handsome salary, could patent all of his inventions at company cost and had all of his traveling expenses cared for by the firm. Having no definite office hours, he was more of a partner with a fixed salary and a lengthy contract. After five years his salary was doubled and his contract extended. A point of interest which should be interjected here is that Luger spelled his name exactly that way . LUGER, and not LUEGER or LEUGER as has been erroneously quoted. His personal signature, as early as 1896, bears this out, and members of the Luger family do not recall the name ever having been spelled any other way.
According to close friends and relations, Borchardt and Luger were the best of personal friends though they oftgn had their differences at the factory. Years after the deaths of their husbands the two widows were constant companions. Luger had a son, Georg, Jr., who lives today in Berlin at the age of 81, and who has been of invaluable assistance to the author in bringing to light many of the facts concerning the Luger Pistol and its famous inventor. Herr Luger, Jr. was a famous pistol shot, with a Luger, of course, though he modestly disclaims any outstanding ability. His life was spent with much larger and more complicated weapons than those produced by his sire, namely torpedoes.
Excellent though it was, especially in relations to the other pistols of its day, the Borchardt left a great deal to be desired. The inventor believed his gun to be perfect, though, and so steadfast were his refusals to redesign even the smallest component that DWM, the manufacturers, called upon Herr Luger to make the desired changes. This he did in the following manner. The strong and sturdy action of the Borchardt was retained along with many other of the original features, some being altered slightly and others quite radically. The barrel, though shortened, maintained its long, slim appearance. The grip was inclined at an angle to the receiver and the recoil spring was incorporated in the grip, thereby doing away with two major problems, the angle of the grip and the bulky, protruding, recoil spring housing. The trigger and trigger cover were altered, the latter now completely concealing the rollerpin of the sear and partially covering the sear itself. The position of the ejector was changed from beneath the breechblock to the right side of the receiver, while the extractor remained unchanged. The lanyard ring was moved from the left side of the receiver to the rear, just above the grip safety, a new feature. Buttstock and toggle-knob were completely done away with and all screws, with the exception of the ones holding the wooden grips to the frame, were replaced by pins. The sights remained unchanged.
In the latter part of 1898, November 24 to December 8, a series of pistol trials were held at Bern, Switzerland by a board of army officers. Other pistols entered were: Mauser with 10-shot magazine, Mauser with 6-shot magazine; Bergmann with 10-shot magazine; Borchardt-Luger with 8-shot magazine; Roth with 10-shot magazine; Mannlicher with 7-shot magazine.

Explanation, assembly and firing of 50 rounds followed; then timing per firing of each weapon; target shooting, 3 frames each at 50 meters; endurance of 400 rounds without cleaning or cooling, etc. The Borchardt-Luger was the only weapon in the endurance test to perform satisfactorily. Then followed dust and water tests, and the firing of 20 rounds in each weapon. Again the Borchardt-Luger was the only weapon without malfunction. The point of greatest interest is the fact that the pistol is referred to as the “Borchardt-Luger.” This was a transition piece, a true cross between the Borchardt and the Luger which was to evolve from this and a later Swiss test.
A second series of tests were conducted by the Swiss. They were held at Thun on May 1 to 3, 1899. The Mauser, Bergmann, Roth and Mannlicher Pistols of the previous trials were retested. New models of the Mauser, Hauff and Browning were listed as were the new Mannlicher and a new Borchardt-Luger – these latter two having been modified according to the wishes of the Board. The 1899 tests were conducted in a manner similar to those of the previous year. The Borchardt-Luger of the latter tests was described as “made lighter in weight and fitted with a new safety.” It is more than coincidental that the United States patent on this piece was applied for two days before the start of these tests! [1]
In contrast to the Borchardt, the “Pistole Parabellum,” or “Parabellum Automatic Pistol, Borchardt-Luger System, Swiss Model 1900,” was all that had been expected of it. The weight had been decreased from 40 to 30 ounces, the barrel length from 7? to 4? inches and the overall length from 14 to 9 inches. Also, because greater accuracy could now be got from the pistol, the buttstock was no longer necessary and thereby lessened the weight by another 15 ounces.
The Model 1900 was the first weapon to bear the famous scrolled DWM, trademark of the Deutsche Waffen und Munitionsfabriken of Berlin, where all earlier models were made.
A note of interest is the origin of the name “Parabellum,” thought to derive from a Latin phrase, Si VisPacem Para Bellum. Translated into German this became Bereite Den Krieg vor Parabellum, or in English, “If you Want Peace, Prepare For War.” Consequently, as the pistol was intended as a military weapon, the “For War” or “Parabellum” name came to be coined.
It is known throughout the world today by that name. In mentioning the name “Luger” to a European, with the possible exception of the English, do not be surprised to be met with only a blank stare! The name “Luger” was first applied to the pistol by Hans Tauscher, first representative for the Borchardt and Luger Pistols in the U.S., and later, after World War I, was registered by the post-war importer, A. F. Stoeger; consequently, the name “Luger,” although not an American name has become an American term! In some instances the name “Borchardt-Luger,” “Borchardt-Luger Parabellum” and designations such as “P.08″ (meaning “Pistol, Model 1908,” the year the Germany Army first adopted the Luger), “M943,” the Portuguese military title, “Pistole 1900,” the Swiss version, etc. may be encountered.
The Model 1900 became a success overnight. On April 2, 1901, the Swiss “Bundersrate,” or governing body, officially became the first to adopt it by placing an order with DWM for 3000 pistols. On April 16, 1901, the Commanding Officer of Springfield Armory was officially directed to purchase 1000 Lugers for test by troops of the United Stales Army! Rock Island Arsenal was directed to fabricate a sufficient quantity of russet or black leather holsters and hardened steel combination tools. The 1000 pieces purchased by the U.S. were marked with small ordnance-bomb proofs, and most of the holsters carried the familiar “U.S.” on the flap. These pistols were the original “American Eagle” type, being so marked over the chamber. As far as can be determined these marks were unofficially stamped, and later commercial types carried on with the identical crest. Because these pistols and holsters were issued to and used by U.S. troops, they are considered by some to be U.S. martial weapons!

The Swiss and Americans were not the only ones to test the Model 1900 for in 1903 and 1904 at Rosenburg, Sweden, extensive government trials found the Luger and the Model 1903 Browning in the semi-finals. Although the Swedish report favored the Browning it noted that the Swiss were issuing the Luger to mounted troops. Similar reports indicate that the Parabellum was issued to German officers for use in the Boxer Rebellion in 1901. Other countries to test the Luger in those early days included Austria, Spain, Canada, Russia, Brazil, Luxemburg, Holland, Bulgaria, Norway, Portugal, Chile and several others.
Between 1901 and 1906 rapid advancement was made in making the Luger a better gun, with both military and commercial markets in mind. The first modification of the original was offered in 1902, and was designated the model of that year. Few of these were produced – the type is quite scarce today – but they’ll be remembered for one outstanding reason; they were the first weapons to chamber the 9mm Luger cartridge! Now, half a century later, it is by far the most popular and widely used cartridge in the world. This was an unusual situation – the pistol itself was not successful but the cartridge flourished. Probably an accident – or could it have been planned that way?
The first model to be officially adopted by the German Government was the “Marine Modell 1904,” or what has become known as the “Navy” Luger. Thus it was the German Navy and not the Army who first realized the merits of the Luger. The Naval Luger has a 6-inch barrel with a 2-position rear sight situated on the extreme rear of the rear togggle link. Caliber was the new 9mm.
One of the most interesting, different, costly and coveted variations of the Parabellum is the “Luger Carbine,” which was introduced about 1904 in an attempt to compete with similar weapons marketed at that time by Mauser, Mannlicher and Bergmann. With a barrel too long to be practical as a pistol and too short to meet the requirements of a rifle, it was more nearly the equivalent of a “brush gun.” The Luger Carbine is actually a Model 1900 with a heavy 11?-inch barrel recoiling within a checkered walnut fore-end, and detachable walnut shoulder stock. The 100 to 300 meter rear sight is mounted on the barrel just in front of the chamber. Despite the many rumors of special specimens with assorted differences, all Luger Carbines of the factory production lot are identical and were only produced in caliber 7.65mm Luger. A special cartridge containing one-seventh more powder and having a blackened case was developed for use in the Carbine models.
The German Kaiser, Wilhelm II, because he had difficulty in handling a full sized hunting rifle due to the deformity of his left arm, was extremely fond of hunting deer on his many estates armed with his Luger Carbine. When, prior to the First World War, the President of the United States, Theodore Roosevelt, paid a visit to Germany, he was a guest of the German emperor on at least one of those hunting excursions and was presented with a Luger Carbine by the Kaiser. This gun bears a plaque denoting the presentation, and may be seen today at Roosevelt’s home in New York on display with his many other weapons.

The year 1906 brought what was to become known as the “New” Model. This is a colloquial designation, not necessarily an official factory term. The part that was new in the “New” Model was the replacing of the old laminated flat recoil spring with one of coiled type. As all Lugers after 1906 have the coiled spring, they are all designated as “New Models,” and consequently all models with the flat recoil spring are called the “Old” Model.
Of even greater historical interest than the U.S. Army Tests of 1901 were the trials that took place in the spring of 1907. These were the tests which led to the adoption by the U.S. Government of the Colt Automatic Pistol, caliber 45, but not before it had successfully competed and won out against the caliber 45 Luger! Records indicate that two, possibly three, of these large Lugers were personally produced by Georg Luger and brought by him to the United States for the Army Tests. Prior to his arrival, Frankford Arsenal supplied him with 5000 rounds of caliber 45 ammunition with which to experiment. Luger pulled the bullets and, with his own special powder, loaded 11mm Bergmann cases which thereby formed the 45 Luger cartridge. The tests were originally planned for the year 1906 but Luger was ill and the tests were postponed until the following year!
The 45 Luger is merely an enlarged version of the 9mm Model 1902/06 with slight modifications necessitated by the use of the larger cartridge. The only specimen known to exist today bears the serial number “2″ and is truly a fine example of Luger workmanship. The initials “GL” appear on the rear toggle link while the absence of proof marks corroborates the fact that this was a super special experimental pistol never intended for sale.
As mentioned earlier, the German Army adopted the Luger in 1908, a move which insured its success for decades to come. The grip safety was omitted from the Model 1902/06 and the first specimens were produced without any accomodation for a “holdopen device.” No stock attachments appeared on these early “P.08′s.”
With the adoption came large orders which could not be filled in the time allotted by DWM. Consequently, the Royal German Arsenal at Erfurt was appointed co-manufacturer. Many thousands of Lugers were turned out of that great establishment, all bearing the insignia of the arsenal, a large crown surmounting the name “Erfurt,” stamped on the forward toggle link instead of the DWM trademark. Almost all DWM and Erfurt Lugers produced for the military will bear the date of manufacture and acceptance stamped into the receiver ring. A new system of numbering was initiated wherein the block of numbers never exceeded 9,999. Once that figure was reached a letter was added beneath the numbers beginning with “a” and so on through the alphabet. This letter becomes as much a part of the serial number as the numbers themselves, a point to remember when recording serial numbers on Luger pistols. Without the inclusion of the letter, hundreds of Lugers would carry the identical number and the difficulties which might arise may well be imagined.
In 1914, Germany entered the Great War armed with two basic Lugers, the military Model of 1908/14 and the Naval Model of 1904/14. The military or Army Model is almost identical to the Model 1908. All types have a 4-inch barrel, stock lug, holdopen device and a letter of the alphabet following the four digit serial number. All are caliber 9mm and will have the date of manufacture over the chamber. According to unofficial sources, approximately 2 million 4-inch barrelled Military Models were produced by both manufacturers, DWM and Erfurl, during the First World War period. In addition to this staggering figure, about 50 million replacement parts were supplied. The majority of these pistols and parts were of DWM manufacture.
Like the military Model, the Naval Model was also exactly the same as the earlier Navy Model of 1908 (1904/08), except for having a wartime date over the chamber. All had the 6-inch barrel, stock lug, 2-position rear sight, and a letter following the serial number. Not nearly as many Navy Models were produced due to the much smaller demands of the junior service.
n 1914, a new model was introduced, “new” consisting of the fitting of an 8-inch barrel to the standard Military Model, and the elimination of the rear sight from the rear toggle link. The caliber was 9mm and the back sight, of tangent type, was on the rear of the barrel just forward of the barrel flange. In this respect, it is similar to that on the Luger Carbine, but the sight itself was not the same. It is adjustable from 100 to 800 meters in 100-meter graduations. One unusual thing about this sight is that it has built-in drift allowance to the left. In other words, when the sight is elevated, it not only moves upward but also to the left to compensate for the drift of the bullet over long ranges. Some front and rear sights are adjustable by means of a tiny set screw on the front sights of Naval models. The Model 1914, or “Long Barrelled Model” as it is sometimes called, was issued complete with a long holster, a shoulder stock and a 32-round helical, or snail, drum. It is claimed that these were issued especially to artillery troops, to machine gun units, and to auxiliary cruisers or “Z” boats in place of a rifle or carbine. The reasoning behind this move was, undoubtedly, that a lighter, smaller and more compact side-arm than the rifle was needed – one that could easily be converted into a pistol-carbine for long range firing, and be much handier for the man who had to serve larger weapons. These “Long Barrelled Models” are quite handy and extremely accurate, and all in all, are a pleasure to fire. The loaded drum makes for a rather bulky weapon but not really as bad as one might think.
After World War I

If there is any period in the complete history of the Luger where almost every rule is broken regarding models, variations, serial numbers, or anything on which a definite conclusion may be based, it is found in the post-World War I period. Perhaps the most important influence upon Luger production after that war was the Treaty of Versailles. This Treaty limited production to calibers not larger than 8mm and barrels no longer than 100mm, or 3 15/16 inches. These restrictions did not require a complete retooling by Luger manufacturers, however, as the pistol is so designed that by merely changing the barrel, and no other parts,the Luger is transformed from one caliber to the other! Because the standard military issue barrel was 4 inches, or l/16th-inch longer than the terms of the Treaty would allow, the barrel had to be shortened in order to conform. The Germans chose a barrel with a length of 3? inches or approximately 98mm. This model became known as the post-War Model, or the Model 1923.
For all practical purposes, the Model 1923 was a Military Model of the 1908/14 type with the two differences of the shorter barrel and smaller caliber. Strangely enough, this Model 1923 was produced almost exclusively for export outside of Germany. The Germans themselves, theoretically restricted by the Treaty of Versailles, continued not only to use the 4-inch barrelled 9mm weapon but also to manufacture them for military and police use inside Germany.
Also under the terms of the Treaty, Germany was permitted to retain an army of 100,000-man strength. These men had to be armed and they assuredly were. In the days immediately following the war, regular Military Models of 1908/14 were issued to this army. These were pistols that had either seen service during the war or were assembled from parts that had been finished but never issued. The only distinctive marking of these particular guns was a new date of issue added to the one already marked over the chamber. Consequently, we find the “two-date” model. (For example, a Luger that already had the date “1918″ over the chamber now had “1920″ above the “1918,” not superimposed upon it. Both dates may be easily distinguished.) These pistols were quickly relegated to the police, however, for whom the “second rate” weapons would suffice, and this double-dating became an outmoded practice very rapidly. In a very few instances, the “two-date” Model may be found with police or military markings on the forward part of the frame, just below the trigger guard.
By 1920 the Germans had begun to manufacture or assemble (probably the latter), “as new” Lugers for the Army. These, too, were EXACTLY like the Model 1908/14 except that they were dated “1920,” “1921″ or “1922.” As I recall, I have never seen any with dates other than these three years. These Lugers were of very fine workmanship, for this period, and appear to have been made entirely of new parts.
Somehow the German Navy benefited by this “stretching” of the limits of the Treaty of Versailles, as Naval Model Lugers have been seen, precisely 1908/14 specifications in all respects, also dated “1920,” etc. and with no other date. Almost all of these types were caliber 9mm! A few have been encountered in caliber 7.65mm, however.
About 1922 the old, established arms firm of Simson & Co. of Suhl, Germany was given a contract to supply Lugers to the 100,000-man Reichswehr. According to reliable sources, they were the only official suppliers of pistols for the 10-year period 1922 to 1932. These Simson & Co. Lugers were assembled from surplus parts left over in large quantities from World War I. In some cases, the receivers were dated. The only date so far seen on Simson & Co. Lugers, however, is that of 1918; the majority of them have the date ground from the receiver ring, leaving it without markings. A few such pieces have been noted chambered for the 7.65mm Luger cartridge. It is more than likely that such pistols were intended for the commercial market, as were possibly a few of those chambered for the 9mm cartridge. Simson & Co. Lugers are identical with the standard Military Model of 1908/14 type, except for markings. All examples observed have 4-inch barrels, stock lug, holdopen, etc. Instead of the DWM trademark, the words “Simson & Co., Suhl” appear on the forward link of the toggle. Lugers assembled by Simson are relatively uncommon but they can hardly be considered “rare”; let’s call them “scarce.”
Great numbers of ex-military issue Lugers were “rejuvenated” and heaped upon the commercial market. Some of these were rebarrelled with “as new” surplus military barrels and others were not rebarrelled at all. Almost all had the dates ground from the receiver ring. Original proof marks were often ground away also and replaced by commercial proof marks of that period. In some cases, the old marks were left on, and one or two commercial ones were added.
An extremely interesting and unusual piece, whether it is of this period or not, is the so-called “Baby” Luger chambered for the 7.65mm Browning, or .32 ACP, cartridge! This strange experimental pistol is reported as “smaller in the overall” than an ordinary Luger, or approximately in the same relation to a standard Luger as the “Baby” Nambu is to a large Nambu Pistol. Very few of these pieces were produced, the number reportedly not more than a dozen. One example has been reported as bearing the serial number “8″ and with the DWM trademark on the toggle. No other specifications have been forthcoming.
Another experimental Luger, certainly worthy of special note, is the “5-shot” or “Pocket” Luger, consisting of a shortened (possibly 2-inch) barrel, normal action and shortened frame, housing a 5-cartridge capacity magazine. The “5-shot” was one of extremely limited production, no more than one or two examples having been produced.
Even before the machine pistol, or sub-machine gun as it is known in this country, first emerged as an accepted military weapon, attempts were made to convert the Luger from semi-automatic to fully automatic fire. Though many attempts were made, none went beyond the experimental stages. This was, undoubtedly, due to the delicate trigger mechanism of the Luger and also to the fact that even in normal semiautomatic firing the ammunition used in a Luger must be fairly well standard in power or the various stoppages common to the Luger will occur.

One very unusual Luger is a Model 1908 of World War I vintage, with a 4-inch barrel and a 12-inch silencer about 1? inches in diameter. A threaded metal disc is permanently attached to the barrel in about the same position as the front sight, which has been removed; the tube, or body, of the silencer screws onto the disc. It is assumed that the tube was filled, at intervals, with rubber or composition baffles and possibly steel wool or some comparable material.
Experiments were conducted at the factory in an attempt to perfect a silencer for the Luger. These tests called for removing “0.36 gram of powder (from the cartridge) and replacing it with only 0.25 gram of powder.” This charge reduction was necessary because the bullet velocity had to be reduced below the speed of sound (1126 feet per second at 68 degrees Fahrenheit) or the silencer could not function efficiently. To further insure the lower velocity the weight of the bullet was increased. However, one problem remained – the silencer functioned as desired, but the pistol would fire only as a single shot. This was because “a Luger with silencer does not function automatically due to the heavier bullet and lesser powder charge, the gas pressure being too small to allow sufficient recoil for normal functioning of the action.” No record of further similar tests has been uncovered.
By 1930 the confusion and restrictions of the post-war period had begun to relax and standardization again became the order of the day. Once more DWM changed hands, finally becoming a member firm of the same holding company that controlled the famous Mauser-Werke at Oberndorf on the Neckar. On May 1, 1930, 800 machines, tools and technicians were transferred from the Berlin branch of the DWM factory to the Oberndorf location. DWM then concentrated on the production of ammunition and Mauser became the foremost supplier of Lugers from that time until production was finally halted in 1942.
While the changeover from DWM to Mauser was taking place, Simson & Co., continued to supply all Lugers to the German government. Their contract with the military was terminated in 1932, however, and no more Lugers were produced by that firm thereafter.
About 1933, when Adolph Hitler rapidly ascended to power, steps were taken to legally sidestep most of the restrictions placed upon Luger production. The point was argued, and won, that as cylinders of revolvers were not considered to be a part of the length of the barrel, neither then should the chamber of the barrel on an automatic pistol be considered when measuring barrel lengths. It was a small task to completely throw off the remaining restrictions and return to the old proven and desired ways of Luger production without the annoying regulations.
Mauser continued to use the old DWM trademark until late in 1934 but in that year secret code names were given to the major producers of war material, and Mauser was assigned the code name “S.” The “S” was replaced almost immediately by “S/42.” At the same time, the commercial Mauser Banner trademark first appeared on Luger Pistols. There was a definite reason behind the using of both the code name “S/42″ and the commercial Mauser Banner. The former were elements of secret production, employed to confuse the manufacturer’s identity. The latter was marked on arms supposedly intended for commercial sales, and a few of them actually reached the commercial market. Most, however, were destined for the rapidly growing German military forces of the early and mid-thirties. To doubly insure their carefully guarded secret from being discovered, pistols were not only marked with the code name but also with a code date of manufacture. Consequently we find “S/42″ Lugers carrying the letters “K,” indicating manufacture in 1934, and “G,” indicating those made in 1935. Production under these circumstances did not get under way until late in 1934, so few pieces bearing the “K” designation will be encountered. Those marked with the letter “G,” or 1935, were in much greater evidence. By the beginning of 1936, the cloak of secrecy was thrown off and Lugers of “S/42″ and “Mauser” manufacture, which were in reality one and the same, were marked with the actual dates in numbers over the chamber. It should be noted that the “K” and “G” markings appeared over the chamber in the exact place where the date would normally have been. The names “S/42″ and “Mauser” were placed on the forward link of the toggle where the scrolled DWM trademark had previously been encountered. Those few Lugers intended for commercial sale carried only the “Mauser” marking, and were without dates or other stampings over the chamber. Examples were produced in both 7.65mm and 9mm calibers. All had barrels 4 inches long.

Mauser, however, was not the only supplier of Lugers in the 1934-35 period – during that time another name was added to the growing list of Luger producers. It has been said Herman G?ring, Marshal of the German Air Force, had a personal interest in weapons produced by the Heinrich Krieghoff Waffenfabrik of Suhl. For one reason or another, G?ring decided that his Luftwaffe would be supplied with Lugers produced by that firm. In those days, however, demand far exceeded ability to supply, and the only manner in which any sizable quantity of Lugers could be obtained in a relatively short time was through the assembly of the millions of spare, or replacement parts left over from World War I. Krieghoff acquired the necessary parts, doubtless through his powerful political connections, and began to assemble the Lugers requested by G?ring Like the Mausers, these were marked with a code date, but not with a code name. Because their full production did not begin until 1935, Krieghoff Lugers are to be found bearing only one code date, an “S,” indicating the year 1935, stamped over the chamber. As Krieghoff’s capacity to produce was on a much smaller scale than that of Mauser, and also because he too marketed a small portion of his total output commercially, it was evidently not deemed necessary for the Krieghoff Lugers to employ a code name. Consequently, as did DWM, Krieghoff marked all of his Lugers with his commercial brand. The trademark of Krieghoff was an anchor, the upright body of which was formed by a dagger pointing downward, the letter “H” on the left side of the anchor and the letter “K” on the right. Directly below was the wording, in two lines, “Krieghoff” and “Suhl.” Some examples, however, bear only the word “Suhl,” the “Krieghoff” having been omitted.
Others, some of which are marked only with the word “Suhl” and still others with both words, are found with the added markings “Heinrich Krieghoff Waffenfabrik, Suhl” in two lines on the left side of the frame.Pieces so marked will usually have a letter “P” preceding the serial number. Those Krieghoff Lugers having the letter “P” before the serial number, may not necessarily have the wording on the side of the frame, however. Guns with the “P” are examples of the few commercial Krieghoff Lugers placed for sale in both 7.65mm and 9mm. Areas over the chamber will be unmarked on these commercial pieces. The trademark is, of course, stamped on the forward link of the toggle. Beginning in 1936 Krieghoff, like Mauser, dated his products with the year of manufacture in numbers. Those Krieghoff Lugers with the code date “S,” or 1935 over the chamber were probably not serial numbered higher than #5,000. Pieces dated “1936″ have been observed from the #5,000 series to the #7,000 series. Unlike those of Mauser manufacture, Krieghoff Lugers do not have a letter following the serial number, though with this one exception, they are numbered in the military system. A few examples may be encountered bearing dates of “1936″ and “1937″ which do not conform to the proper serial number range. These were pieces assembled from already numbered surplus parts at those later dates.

Some of the Mauser-made Lugers will be found bearing not only the commercial Mauser Banner but also carrying a date-stamp over the chamber. Such arms were originally intended for commercial sale, but when the German military forces demanded more Lugers than normal Mauser production could supply, pistols previously set aside for the commercial market were merely stamped with a date and accepted by the Army as regular issue weapons.
In 1936 the secret code names were augmented. Mauser was assigned the code number “42″ in addition to the “S/42″ already in use. It is not unusual, then, to find Lugers bearing the code name “S/42″ and, for example, the date “1936,” and also to encounter “42″ pieces having the same date. To add to the confusion, pieces were also produced bearing the same date, “1936,” and inscribed with the commercial Mauser Banner.
In 1941 yet another code name was given to Mauser, in this case “byf.” Most examples of “byf” Lugers will have black plastic grips, a semi-successful experiment. These “byf” Lugers were in addition to and did not replace the “S/42″, “42″ and “Mauser” types.
According to reliable sources none of the Luger producing firms were permitted to sell their pistols commercially after 1940 or 1941. All production was claimed by the Wehrmacht, the German Armed Forces, who had the power to dispose of any surplus as they saw fit.

In 1945 and 1946 a small quantity of Lugers were assembled from surplus parts left over from 1942, the year in which official production of the Luger was superseded by that of the Walther “P.38.” These were put together at the direction of the French Occupation Forces, in whose zone of occupation the Mauser factory was situated. Exact amounts produced and specifications thereof are not known. Krieghoff, too, assembled a few hundred Luger pistols, in the period following the war, for American occupation troops. It was among these latter that the unusual pieces bearing no date and no name were found.
After exactly 30 years of Army service in Germany progress finally caught up with the Luger when that Government adopted the Walther “Heeres Pistole,” or “P.38″ (Pistol Model 1938), though production continued through necessity until 1942. Switzerland, which since 1924 had produced its own Luger, followed suit in 1948, when the Neuhausen replaced it. The loss of World War II by Germany was the coup de gracefor the Luger. Countries that had been dependent upon Germany for their supplies of the pistol were forced to turn in other directions when their orders could no longer be filled by the Mauser Werke.
Regardless of the fact that it is no longer produced, the Luger is not a “has been” by any means. Over a period of 40 years literally millions were produced, most of which are today in the hands of the military the world over. There are thousands of soldiers, marksmen and gun fanciers to whom it will never lose its value as a weapon for defense, shooting, or as a collector’s item.
Quite possibly Luger production may never again be resumed. Should this prove to be true, all Lugers, especially the rarer ones, will increase in value and the demand will grow. No matter which course the armies of the world pursue, the Luger is now and shall always remain one of the greatest handguns in history.
Editor’s Note: This is a sample article from Gun Digest Research, where you  can search thousands of archived Gun Digest Annual Book archives. To learn more go to http://research.gundigest.com.
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sábado, 9 de agosto de 2014

Erwin Rommel - Biography


Rommel studying maps during the battle at El Alamein

            Erwin Rommel was one of Germany’s most respected military leaders in World War Two. Rommel played a part in two very significant battles during the war – at El Alamein in North Africa and at D-Day. Rommel’s nickname was the ‘Desert Fox’ – a title given to him by the British.
  
            Rommel was born in 1891 in Heidenheim. During World War One, he distinguished himself in the German Third Army and he was decorated for his bravery and leadership. After the war, Rommel remained as an infantry officer and instructor. His chance for real military power came when Hitler, appointed chancellor in 1933, recognised his ability. By 1938, Rommel was a senior military figure in the Wehrmacht. His success in the campaigns of 1939 and especially the successful attack on Western Europe in 1940, lead to Hitler appointing him commander of the Afrika Corps in 1941. It was in the deserts of North Africa that Rommel found real success.

            The nickname ‘Desert Fox’ was well deserved. Rommel was highly respected even by the British. Auchinleck, Rommel’s opposite until his sacking by Churchill, sent a memo to his senior commanders in North Africa, to state that it was their responsibility to ensure that their men thought less of Rommel as a ‘super military leader’ and more of him as a normal German commander.

"…(you must) dispel by all possible means the idea that Rommel represents anything other than the ordinary German general……….PS, I’m not jealous of Rommel."
Auchinleck

            Rommel’s fame in the desert rests on his success as a leader and also his uncompromising belief that all prisoners of war should be well looked after and not abused. One story told at the time was that Italian troops took from British POWs’ their watches and other valuables. When Rommel found out, he ordered that they be returned to their owners immediately. To many British ‘Desert Rats’, Rommel epitomised a gentleman’s approach to a deadly issue – war.

            Rommel knew that his options at the vital battles at El Alamein were limited. Montgomery, who succeeded the dismissed Auchinleck, had the advantage of Bletchley Park feeding him the battle plan Rommel was going to use. Rommel was also seriously starved of the fuel he needed for his attack on Montgomery’s ‘Desert Rats’. The second battle at El Alamein was a very fluid battle but the sheer weight of supplies that Montgomery had access to (amongst other equipment were 300 new Sherman tanks) meant defeat for Rommel. The defeat of the Afrika Corps was the first major setback for Hitler and the Wehrmacht. Hitler ordered Rommel to fight to the last man and the last bullet. Rommel had far too much respect for his men to obey this command and retreated. The Germans left North Africa in May 1943. Despite this refusal to obey Hitler’s command, Rommel did not lose favour with Hitler.

            In February 1944, Rommel was appointed by Hitler to be commander of the defences of the Atlantic Wall. Rommel’s brief was to ensure that Western Europe was impregnable.

            He took full responsibility for the Northern French coastline. The beaches at Normandy were littered with his anti-tank traps which were invisible at full-tide. As it was, the planning at D-Day meant that Rommel’s defences were of little problem to the vast Allied attack. At the time of D-Day, Rommel commanded the important Army Group B.

            On July 17th 1944, Rommel was wounded in an attack on his car by Allied fighter planes. The attack took place near St. Lo.

            Rommel was implicated in the July 1944 Bomb Plot against Hitler and the Gestapo was keen to interview this famous military commander. Hitler was keen to avoid the public show trial of his most famous general and it seems that a 'deal’ was done. Rommel died ‘of his wounds’ on October 14th 1944. He was given a state funeral. But it seems that he committed suicide to a) save himself from a humiliating show trial and b) it seems that Hitler promised that his family would not be punished for Rommel’s indiscretions if he died ‘of his wounds’.

            What impact Rommel would have had on the Allies drive to Germany after D-Day is difficult to speculate. However, the sheer odds against the Wehrmacht and Luftwaffe post-June 1944 were such that this famous commander would have been unable to hinder the Allies progress.

"He was a daring and much-admired general, his personality and his fate creating an enduring legend denied to many orthodox, and ultimately more successful, commanders."
Alan Palmer

quarta-feira, 18 de junho de 2014

August Hirt: Deadly Collector of the Victims


by Anne S. Reamey

S.S.-Hauptsturmführer Prof. Dr. August Hirt was born April 28, 1898 in Mannheim, Germany1 to an old Strasbourg family. Little is known of the life of August Hirt prior to his involvement with the Ahnenerbe leading up to and during World War II, but due to his role in several radical medical experiments and collections, his works during the war have been closely examined. He joined the Institute of Anatomy at the Reichsuniversität (initially the University of Strasbourg, overtaken and turned to the Anatomisches Institut der Reichsuniversität2) early in 1941 where he became the chairman of the anatomy department3. When Hirt became employed at the University4 he was already an established member of the S.S. and the Ahnenerbe Society5 (the Society for the Heritage of the Ancestors).6

August Hirt, like many Nazi doctors, is most closely associated with his role in the medical experimentation on and gassings of groups of Jewish prisoners. What makes him unique was motive: instead of seeing the gassing of prisoners as a quick and effective method of extermination, Hirt wanted to significantly expand the skull and skeleton collection for his institute at the University of Strasbourg.7 He wanted to create a museum of "sub-humans, in which proofs of the degeneracy and the animality of the Jews would be collected." Hirt considered it to be a task of upmost importance and extremely time-sensitive since soon the Jewish population would be completely exterminated, at which point Jewish "skeletons would be as rare and precious as a diplodocus… "." 8

The Report of Death: Catalyst for the Collection of Medical Research

Attached to a letter from Ostuf. (Obersturmführer - First Lieutenant) Wolfram Sievers (Reich Secretary of the Ahnenerbe Society) to Stbf. (Sturmbannführer - Major) Dr. Rudolf Brandt,9 was a report written by Hirt in February 1942 describing the minimal amount of Jewish skulls existing at the Strasbourg Reich University (Reichsuniversität Strasbourg), and how to best procure the desired number of additional skulls through the assistance of the field Military Police ("Feldpolizei").10 It should be noted that in the report, the skulls requested for procurement were those of "Jewish Bolshevik Commissars". Historian Heather Pringle points out in her book, The Master Plan: Himmler's Scholars and the Holocaust, that "by "commissars," the army actually meant "Jews." Nazi propagandists had skillfully portrayed Soviet political officers and officials as Jews for years, and so deeply engrained was this notion in the minds of many SS and Wehrmacht officers that they simply accepted it as fact."11

In addition to Hirt's personal interest in the collection of skulls he hoped to obtain, it has also been suggested that Hirt himself had considered getting into the skull mail-order business12 as an additional source of income.

Himmler's Response to Hirt's Deadly Proposal

Reichsführer SS Heinrich Himmler received Hirt's report with great enthusiasm. He was "prodigiously interested" in the project, considering it to be of "enormous value,"13 and according to Jean-Claude Pressac, he "unceasingly gave his entire support to Professor Hirt's proposal."14 Soon after his receipt of the report, Himmler sent Wolfram Sievers15 of the Ahnenerbe Society to meet with Hirt personally, and agreed to the importance of his research. Sievers then worked with Hirt to determine the best method of transportation of his victims.


         A letter used as evidence during the war crime trials at Nuremburg, includes an attachment with a report on "securing skulls of Jewish-Bolshevik Commissars for the purpose of scientific research," which initially allowed Dr. August Hirt to begin his gassings of Auschwitz Jews at Natzweiler - Struthof. A reproduction can be found here.

The Compounding of Hate: Multi-faceted Anti-Semitism Meets the "Final Solution"

So what was it in Hirt's report that caught the eye of Himmler and caused him to be supportive of the proposed "scientific" endeavor? While the Jews were on the top of Hitler's list for extermination, Himmler and Hirt brought together two strands of anti-Semitism: rumors of Jewish conspirators and racism. During the proceedings of the fourth Yad Vashem International Historical Conference, Robert Jay Lifton explained, "On one hand, there is the mystical tradition of anti-Semitism and racism as exemplified by the Protocols of the Elders of Zion - the notorious forgery around the idea of a Jewish world conspiracy involving Jewish Bolsheviks and Jewish capitalists. On the other, there is the "scientific" racism that his study of these skulls directly reflects."16

In the case of Hirt's proposed skull collection enhancement, timing was everything: Only a month prior to Hirt's proposal, a new policy had been secretly adopted at a villa overlooking Großer Wannsee17 that would be known as the "Final Solution." In addition to their decision to exterminate the Jews of Europe, and eventually the world, was the debate of what to do with the Mischlinge ("part-Jews"). "Himmler was keen to take action. He wanted the SS Race and Settlement Office (Rasse- und Siedlungshauptamt-SS (RuSHA)) to racially evaluate all children of mixed marriages and their progeny for three or four generations, just as agriculturalists did when attempting to breed superior varieties of plants and animals. Descendants who exhibited Jewish traits could then be at least sterilized, if not murdered. For this, the SS needed a much clearer picture of the Jewish Race." 18

The Beginning of the End for the Prisoners of Auschwitz

After receiving permission from Himmler, Hirt began the task of selecting his victims from the prisoners of Auschwitz (although there is some debate as to whether Hirt himself made the selection, or if it was done by SS members Dr. Hans Fleischhacker [Tübingen] and SS-Hauptsturmführer Dr. Bruno Berger19 [Munich], who arrived in Auschwitz the first half of 1943 )20, as indicated by Tübingen Professor, Dr. Hans-Joachim Lang21, with the initial selection totaling 115 people - 79 Jewish men, 30 Jewish women, 2 Poles, and 4 "Asians" (most likely Soviet POWs). Once his selections were made, SS-Hauptsturmführer Dr. Bruno Berger collected personal data and biometrical measurements from the prisoners, completing his task by June 15, 1943.22

Although the Ahnenerbe supported Hirt by instructing all members working in the concentration camps to collect "any particularly interesting and demonstrative"23 anatomical specimens, the only known victims for the Institute's skeleton collections came directly from Auschwitz-Birkenau. Robert J. Lifton explained that "there were apparently difficulties in rounding up Jewish-Bolshevik commissars and possibly in severing heads, so that it was decided to make use of full skeletons rather than merely skulls and to collect specimens in the place where any such task could be accomplished - namely, Auschwitz." 24

While there were killings in such substantial numbers at Auschwitz that an extra hundred here or there would make relatively little difference, the fate of Hirt's victims was not a well-kept secret among the camp doctors. "Dr. L. had seen enough of Auschwitz to suspect the terrible truth ("I told myself immediately,…. 'They are going to a museum' "), though she and others refrained in saying so because they "lacked the courage," felt it would be more kind to remain silent, and could not in any case be certain of their suspicion." 25

Meanwhile, the collection of potential victims wasn't the only problem to be dealt with. In a memo from Sievers to Brandt, Sievers quotes the concerns of Hirt: the preparations of Natzweiler-Struthof were going too slowly. More importantly, the camp's administration demanded that Hirt's Institute pay for the prisoners throughout their stay at the camp. This spurred great debates as to who was to pay for the project, and how payments were to be made.

The reproduction of a letter that describes the relationship between Dr. Hirt and the Natzweiler-Struthof camp administration, including the attempt to attach a price to each victim gassed as part of Hirt's "research" as compensation to the camp, can be found here.

Death at Natzweiler-Struthof

Following the initial selection, the prisoners were held inside of the quarantine office at Auschwitz due to the outbreak of a typhus epidemic26 before being relocated to Natzweiler-Struthof, the only extermination camp on French territory.27

Both prior to and following the second World War, Natzweiler-Struthof (31 miles outside of Strasbourg), perched 2,500 feet up on the top of a mountain in the Vosges Mountains, was used as a ski resort for tourists. It is only during WWII that the now-serene location (ironically one that mimicked the German Schwarzwald across the Rhine River) was used as a concentration camp. Originally the camp, known as "Le Struthof" to the French, was not intended as a death camp for mass exterminations, but rather to house Anti-Fascist resistance-fighters and convicted German criminals,28 often referred to as the "Nacht und Nebel" (Night and Fog) operation because fighters were arrested without warning, and without notification to their families, making them appear to simply disappear into the fog. 29

The camp itself, holding only about 1,500 prisoners at a time30 (one of the smaller camps constructed by the Germans), was run by the "brutality incarnate" Joseph Kramer 31 (condemned to death and executed, 10th Military Region archives). Instead of being located immediately within the camp, the building was located about a mile away off a small side road, making the location almost peaceful.32 Due to the local quarries filled with red granite, the prisoners of Struthof were subjected to manual labor in order to create new monuments for Germany.33

The building eventually used as the gas chamber was originally used as a refrigerator room with cold storage chambers by the Struthof hotel, and converted in April 1943 to a site to test the gas masks of SS recruits34 by filling the building with tear-gas35 to help prepare the recruits for the dangers of chemical warfare.

The gas experimentation chamber was modified in August of 1943 to allow for the gassings at the suggestion of Kramer. He considered the similarities of the tear-gas testing with the requirements of a building that was to use the "hydrocyanic salts" Hirt provided to Kramer for the killings. Already lined with white tiles and kept cool by blocks of ice, the SS works doctorate named the site "Bauwerk 10" or building site 10.36 The adaptation of the building was completed between August 3 and 12, 1943.37

The wall of the chamber was perforated below and to the right of the peep-hole. A metal pipe was passed through, with the inside end opening into a small porcelain basin, and the outside wnd consisting of a 1.5 litre fullel equipped with a tap flow and safety control. According to a plan drawn up when the camp was liberated, it seems that a protective housing was installed, hiding the equipment from view… Kramer proceeded as described in his 2nd deposition of the 6 December 1945. In fact, there was no other way to carry out the operation. Water poured into the funnel flowed onto a substance previously placed in the basin, triggering the release of hydrocyanic gas ("Gas Blausäure") .38
As knowledge of the camp spread to the United States, so did the awareness of Hirt's victims, according to The Simon Wiesenthal Center and the United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.

The Nuremberg IMT (International Military Tribunal) records indicate that an assistant to Dr. Hirt secretly noted the numbers tattooed on the arms of the 86 victims, making their identification possible.39

The Arrival of Hirt's Victims at Natzweiler-Struthof

Although there is little information regarding the time gap between June 15, 1943 when Dr. Bruno Berger completed his part of the record-keeping and the time of the arrival of the prisoners from Auschwitz to Natzweiler-Struthof, the records that are available indicated that the 2 month gap took place during the quarantine of prisoners during the typhus outbreak at Auschwitz. Once it was considered that the prisoners could be transported, they were moved to Natzweiler-Struthof in August of 1943. Joseph Kramer, commandant of Natzweiler-Struthof, recalled, "during the month of August 1943, I received from the Supreme S.S. Commandant in Berlin an order to accept about 80 prisoners from Auschwitz. I was to get in touch with Professor Hirt." 40

Once the prisoners did arrive, we have a clear account of the events that followed given at the Military Tribunal in Strasbourg by Joseph Kramer. Kramer was instructed to meet Hirt at the Institute of Anatomy. During their meeting, Hirt provided Kramer with instructions to gas the convoy using crystals Hirt supplied for their "treatment." There is some debate as to the exact contents of the flask given to Kramer by Hirt, but it usually falls within two possible answers:

Either the flask provided by Hirt, with a capacity of about 250 ml, contained an inert combination of sodium or potassium cyanide thoroughly mixed with a crystalline acid, such as citric, oxalic or tartic acid, these being two agents that react with one another only in an aqueous medium. Or the flask contained calcium cyanide, which has the peculiarity of decomposing in water with hydrocyanic acid release. It would be possible to determine exactly what substance was used by complicated calculations, based on the volume of the gas chamber (approximately 20m cubed), the quantity used (1/3 or ¼ of 250 ml), and the expected HCN release, as a function of the amount of water added, needed to bring the room's atmosphere rapidly up to a lethal concentration for man.41
During his conversation with Hirt, Kramer was also told he was to divide the bodies into smaller groups to be delivered directly to Hirt following the gassings.42

One evening, about nine o-clock, the eighty prisoners arrived. I led about fifteen women to the gas chamber. I told them they were going to be 'disinfected.' With the help of some of the S.S. guards, I got them completely undressed and pushed them into the gas chamber. When I closed the door they began to scream. I put some of the crystals that Hirt had given me into the funnel above the observation window. I would watch everything that was going on inside through it. The women continued to breathe for half a minute and then fell to the floor. I turned on the ventilation, and when I opened the door they were lying dead on the ground, full of shit. I told some of the male S.S. nurses to put the bodies in a truck and take them to the Institute of Anatomy at 5:30 the next morning.43

Following the initial gassing, the same procedure was repeated with four or five more groups over a period of three nights.44 In total, 86 people would fall victim to Kramer's gassings. It should be noted that the discrepancy in numbers by multiple sources (86 versus 87 bodies) was due to an incident that took place at Natzweiler-Struthof. As the victims were being herded into the gas chamber, one prisoner resisted and was shot by an SS officer. Due to the pistol's bullet wound, the body was not sent to Strasbourg with the others because it was considered "spoiled."45
   
Extract from interrogation of Josef Kramer by Major Jadin, military investigative judge with the Military Tribunal in Strasbourg on the 26 July 1945:

'As soon as I locked the door, they started to scream..Once the door was locked, I placed a fixed quantity of the salts in a funnel attached below and to the right of the peep-hole....